The plight of migrant women: they speak, but who's listening?
Many agencies and individuals, the media, national governments and the European Union itself are addressing the fundamental questions of prostitution, sex tourism and 'trafficking in women'. The author of the following article, in her collaborations with migrant women, accepts their conditions as workers and as human beings who exist in the here and now and who do not wish to be talked about as 'victims'.
Scene: A small room with a bed and a washbasin. Characters: A man and a woman. It's the third time this man has paid to spend time with this woman. She only speaks a few words of his language, but he seems kind and she decides to take the risk. She tells him she is being held prisoner and wants to get out. Will he help her?
The man is sympathetic but he doesn't want to get too involved, certainly not to take charge of this woman. So he takes out his cellular phone and says: 'Make any call you want.' The woman hasn't used a telephone in months. The only number she knows from memory is her sister's, back in the Ukraine (...or Paraguay... or Burma). She has trouble dialing, doesn't know any of the codes, but the man helps her. They have to hurry, because he's only paid for a short time, and they have to whisper, because there are people in rooms on both sides of them.
The call goes through! Her sister answers. The woman can only say, 'Help! Get me out of here! I'm being held prisoner!' 'Where are you?', asks her sister. 'In Israel (...or Holland...or Thailand).' 'But where exactly?' 'I don't know.'
Stories like this have made headlines all over the world. In the usual version, the faraway recipient of the call begins a long, arduous search for help through hotlines to embassies and international police. In the end, there is a raid and the woman who made the call is liberated. The police, who knew about the brothel all along, are not the heroes of the story. Neither is the client, who took no risks. In fact, the hero of the story is the small cellular phone that enabled the prisoner to connect to the world and be heard. The story does not end perfectly, however, because the woman is deported, and this is not what she wanted.
When I consider the possible uses of communications technology for migrant women, I begin with stories like this one. Here, people are enabled to communicate vital pieces of information. Here, there are processes and chains of events and people help each other. Before we can move to the question 'Can new information and communications technologies benefit migrant workers?', we need to consider other questions, for these are not simple or straightforward situations.
Although commercial sex is now recognized as a global, multi-billion dollar industry, its workers - in their millions - are referred to by the media, by governments and by NGOs only as 'illegals', as victims of 'trafficking' and as potential 'vectors' of HIV/AIDS - when they are referred to at all. The same London newspaper that runs the story of 'liberated sex slaves' in Malaysia never mentions the problems migrant Chinese women have finding child-care (or fish sauce) in London. It is the age-old technique of 'disappearing' people simply by not acknowledging them.
To be deemed worthy of recognition and of help, where you are is all-important. The same person identified as 'indigenous' in the Andes and included in projects of traditional aid is viewed, if she migrates to the North, as a job-stealer, dole recipient, ghetto resident, drug dealer and addict, candidate for deportation and definitely outside the scope of traditional 'development' aid. Unless she puts on some kind of native dress and plays pan-pipes, whereupon she may qualify for 'cultural' funding and will probably be left alone by the police - that is, if she plays well enough to gather audiences.
Those who seek to correct this geographic double-think - whether they are involved in battles for fairer immigration law or for better working conditions for domestics, dancers or prostitutes - often talk about rights: the right to housing, health care, privacy. Similarly, when possible uses of new information and communication technologies are mentioned, we hear about the right to access. But access is a tricky thing with people who are being watched and controlled, don't have much money and are itinerant. Migrant laborers, whether women or men, whatever their labor, have difficulty finding and using the benefits of settled society. Migrants who don't enjoy 'legal' status or whose status depends on a certain amount of fraud or deception, must be extremely cautious about requesting and using services. Migrant prostitutes have the added problems of having to navigate a labyrinth of laws concerning their work. The problems are logistical and the need is for wireless, rapid and discreet connections.
Dreams of progress
Beyond questions of access lie dreams of educational growth, spiritual expression, 'liberated voices' that media like the Internet offer. Again, advocates often mention rights: to education, to 'life-long learning', to 'self-expression' or 'self-realization'. The 'rights' argument, however, sets the discussion firmly within First World norms, where citizens not only already have better access and service but more citizens are prepared to take advantage of them. To use the World Wide Web and even the simplest e-mail program, after all, requires a very high level of literacy.
Classic 'Development' projects, whether applied to populations located in the Third World or to migrants who have left it, have assumed that progress happens in stages, of which literacy is the first. According to this theory, everyone must become literate in the same ways that Western societies have come to take for granted. The use of alphabets to store knowledge is said to constitute humankind's most significant step up the ladder of progress, the step that distinguishes people from animals and cultures that 'succeed' from those who don't. Yet alphabet technology is comparatively recent and has not taken hold with all the world's people.
In recent years this Eurocentrism has been widely criticized for extinguishing 'indigenous knowledge', but this has not affected assumptions that even indigenous people need to get alphabetized. According to this way of thinking, if poorly educated domestic and sex workers are to participate in new technologies, they must first attend literacy classes in their own languages, then get some basic education, computer instruction and perhaps English, after which they can finally learn about the Internet. Even were access not a question, the proposition would be absurd.
In the classic literacy myth, the center of every one's desire is to enter the Golden World of Books. And the way it is now, the Internet mimics books, whose contents are scanned whole onto web 'pages'. But even among those who know how to read, relatively few routinely read more than headlines, cartoon stories, romance novels, product labels, street signs and horoscopes, and many never write at all. When those who hold reading and writing sacred deplore these 'low' uses of literacy, others feel inadequate and ashamed about the ways they know and learn about the world.
Those using the Internet are avid readers and, more important, are oriented to 'getting information'. This concept - that 'information' is something to 'get' - is also being discussed currently as a right, but, again, assumes acceptance and agreement about crucial values - how to work, how to know things, how to ask questions, where to look for answers and from whom and how to judge information as 'correct' or 'true'. Most of the world doesn't belong yet to such an 'information culture', and these values ought not to be imposed, even by evangelists who are sure people will be saved or uplifted by them.
The question shouldn't be whether we can provide egalitarian access points to the Internet for all the world's people. If we construct the conversation on 'rights to access', 'freedom of speech' and visions of Progress and Development (who has the electricity and telephone infrastructure, who has the money for a computer, who can go to school to learn about technology, who sees information as a 'consumer' item and a right) then we reproduce the same conversation we found oppressive in the first place.
Some of those now excluded from much of mainstream societies want to include themselves in this new technology, whatever it turns out to be. They see themselves as protagonists of the revolution. But what about those who are excluded and who see nothing (so far) about this new technology to attract them or who don't know it exists? Should they be forced to be included, if being included could 'help' them (get useful information, tell their stories, educate others)?
Living on the margin of society
In the United Kingdom, travelers (the old word 'gypsies' is not preferred) have lived deliberately on the social margins for centuries, and have consistently been viewed as either perverse or pathetically disadvantaged, to be hounded out of decent places or forced to adopt a 'normal' way of life. Finally accepting gypsies' desire to live in mobile houses, planners build them 'sites' with connections to water and electricity. But the sites organize their vans into straight rows at measured distances and ignore travelers' needs, such as space to work with scrap metal.
Many conversations about outsiders like travelers and sex workers revolve around questions of free choice. But even people willing to believe that gypsies want to move around will not believe that prostitutes might. Instead, they change the subject to what's wrong with prostitution. If the subject always changes to how to abolish prostitution or how to find work alternatives for all current prostitutes (in their many millions) or how to change men so they don't desire prostitutes, we will never address the realities of sex work that lead to exclusions from services and policies that might benefit them. This is why many activists are focusing on getting Occupational Health and Safety regulations applied to sex work.
To understand policies that consistently exclude people, we need to recognize a contradiction: that societies which not only tolerate but desire 'difference' in its proper place will demonize and harry it when out of place. Circus side-show performers, transgender artists, beggars who stand at church doors and children who break-dance in the street, when found in a 'nice' residential neighborhood, will be quickly moved along. When the outsiders are sex workers, they will be moved to very particular locations. So while governments currently discuss 'trafficking' and immigration law as though their only concern were the well-being of 'victimized' women, they continue to facilitate the business of commercial sex in all the most obvious ways and punish only the women involved when someone must be punished.
Migrant prostitutes' access - or their perception of access - to even the most basic services is still widely in question, even in Europe. Moreover, many services are provided without understanding how migrants live and what they want. It's essential not to assume that all migrant prostitution is forced and all brothel workers are slaves. It's imperative not to project our own desires and assumptions onto others. The only way we can know what others want is to give them room to tell us.
Which brings us to the center of this essay: How do 'we' know what 'they' want? How can we provide possibilities to use new information and communication technologies to marginalized and migrant women? If we believe that the chance to tell their stories could be liberating, enlightening or useful to them, how can that opportunity be offered? The specific case I address is that of women from the Third World - and particularly from Latin America - who have migrated to Western Europe to work as domestic and/or sex workers. These women in their many thousands are found from one end of Europe to another, and very commonly continue migrating as opportunities close and open. People who offer these women information on new opportunities, those who facilitate their journeys - as well as those who take advantage of migrants - know how to communicate with them and know what they need.
Currently, the world of interested and 'helping' agencies, largely ensconced in comfortable offices, bemoans the manipulation of migrant women by criminal networks and wonders where women have gone when they suddenly disappear. The solution to this is evident: get out of those offices. Supporters need to stop producing and giving out ever more excellent written materials and do more following and listening. They should learn from the 'criminals' and start knowing not only where the women are but where they are going next. The information available to women comes from those who go to them. To influence the empowerment of a migrant sex worker means accepting her reality and going to meet her there.
So imagine an educator who carries her wares with her. To visit domestic workers isolated in big suburban houses and not allowed visitors, she goes to a local plaza (or Laundromat) on Sunday afternoon. There she offers to help with problems, find people, even predict the future. Instead of a crystal ball, she carries a small computer notebook and a cellular phone. From her bag she may also vend envelopes, stamps, postcards and paper. She may carry a telephone book, the latest edition of the classified advertisements and various small dictionaries. Perhaps she gives impromptu lessons in the local language. She might have a recording Walkman and some music tapes. She is a kind of postmodern scribe, also a cultural worker, or maybe a traveling saleswoman.
She will be able to contact some sex workers in nail and hair salons but she will soon feel frustrated by the vast numbers not reached. In possession of a large van, however, and a driver, she can cover a wide territory. Parking near sex-trade zones, she lets workers know when she's arrived and offers them now a wider range of services, from bed, toilet, shower, food, condoms, blood test to fax/telephone and Internet connections. Some women might want to know the weather in a city they're considering going to, others to send e-mail to alert other workers about trends in police harassment, dangerous clients or new wrinkles in immigration law. The fax/telephone might offer the only truly private use some women have. Information in women's languages could be printed out from the Internet when available - which is ever more common, or, if they don't read the educator could read it to them. In addition to stacks of brochures, all the information on the Internet would be available. The technology, the education, the services would be mobile, like the workers. A fleet of such vans in different parts of Europe would form a true network, which women could enter and leave at different points.
Such an approach - technology not isolated in offices, not connected to formal education, not touted as a new religion, not pushed as a 'right', but instead associated with coffee, sandwiches and chat - would not appeal to everyone. Some women might not be able to take seriously a computer in a van, or not have time for it. Others might learn to type and send their own e-mail from a collective account, or look for their own information on the web. From the van they could send faxes to shops in their hometowns. The vans themselves would be a communications technology connecting traveling women who rarely avail themselves of services located in inhospitable buildings and neighborhoods.
The concept of information needs to be reconceived to include not only 'indigenous knowledge' but also 'street smarts'. Just as Western scholarship overlooked Mayan writing and Inca quipus for so long because they didn't come in the form of books, so current thinking continues to exclude ceremonies, spontaneous 'happenings', oral and musical events, a group of women spending the evening together watching a telenovela, conversations on the assembly line and creativity by teenagers on the dance floor. Those who wish to honor the value of non-written traditions need to accept that the word 'literacy' can extend to include 'reading and writing' other things besides letters - the forest, the street, the television screen.
Instead of condemning the easy access criminals and entrepreneurs have to migrant prostitutes, we need to mimic that access - find out how they do it, what works best, where and when. Let's go out to those in the margins with nothing in our hands and simply listen to them. For, with all the rhetoric about the need to liberate 'unheard voices', we miss an essential point: those voices have been talking all along. The question is: Who is listening?
The verb is transitive: someone gives power to another, or encourages them to take power or find power in themselves. It's used among those who want to help others identified as oppressed. In Latin America, in educacin popular, one of the great cradles of this kind of concept, the word itself didn't exist until it was translated back from English. To many people, if they know it at all, the word empoderamiento sounds strange. It's an NGO word, used by either volunteer or paid educators who view themselves as helpers of others or fighters for social justice, and is understood to represent the currently 'politically correct' way of thinking about 'third world', subaltern or marginalized people. But it remains a transitive verb, which places emphasis on the helper and her vision of her capacity to help, encourage and show the way. These good intentions, held also by 19th-century European missionaries, we know from experience do not ensure non-exploitation.
In the current version of these good intentions, 'first world' people and entities use their funds to help or empower those less privileged. They spend money to set up offices and pay salaries, many to people who remain in offices, often engaged in writing proposals that will allow them to 'stay in business.' These organizations have hierarchies, and those engaged in education or organization at the 'grassroots' level often are the last to influence how funds will be used. Those closer to the top, who attend conferences, live in Europe or have career interests in the organization , know how proposals must be written to compete in the crowded funding world. This condition of structural power should not be overlooked by those concerned with empowerment, who more often view themselves as embattled, as non-government, as crusaders situated 'against' conservative policies. Yet, when a concept like empowerment comes from above in this way, we needn't be surprised at the kind of contradictions that result-literacy programs that don't keep people interested in reading, AIDS education that doesn't stop people's refusing to use condoms.
To empower me as a sex worker you assume the role of acting on me and you assume that I see myself as an individual engaged in sex work. If I don't see myself this way, then I am disqualified from the empowerment project, despite your best intentions. The 'identity' issue here is crucial; funders and activists alike are currently interested in valorising cultural and individual difference. While it is a great advance to recognize and 'give voice to' human subjects who were before marginalized or disappeared, the problem remains that if you want to inject pride in me that I am a worker and supporter of my family and I don't recognize or want to think of myself that way, the advance won't occur, in my case.
But, you say, those are the real conditions, we live in a world of funders and partial successes. We're doing the best we can, and we acknowledge that these empowerment projects often fail. Since it's to no one's benefit that successes be quite so partial, let's consider whether there is any way which this empowerment concept might be conceived differently, forgetting for the moment the funder and his funds.
In educación popular, in programs sometimes called capacitación [capacity-building], people get together to talk, sometimes with the encouragement of a person from 'outside'. This person might be called an animadora or an educator, her job to facilitate conditions where subjects might realize they have a problem in common which, if they acted together, they might be able to move toward solving. I'm describing a very fundamental, 'pure' version, perhaps, now complicated in many places in many ways by different histories, international contacts, hybrid forms. Still, it's worth considering what the most basic idea always has been.
Here, the most the outsider does is provide the suggestion of a time and place, with perhaps a very basic reason for getting together, perhaps just 'meeting neighbors'. Who finds out about this meeting? Everyone who lives there, if it's a village or small barrio and people talk to each other fairly freely. Letting people know can be an important task of the outsider. Sometimes, in larger places, an 'identity' is targeted, but it can be a very general identity, such as everyone concerned to improve conditions in the community.
The educator/animator might suggest the group talk about a topic such as how to get running water, bus service or rubbish collection-topics of concern to everyone, including sex workers. Or she might present a question-such as why everyone is talking about migrating to work somewhere else-and hope people will respond. But if they don't, and if nothing seems to happen, her job is to resist the temptation to push the conversation. The hope is rather that if people feel free to talk, they will, eventually, if only to see if others share their feelings. This process can be extremely slow and even invisible, and no money or materials from outside are required. The profound assumption is rather that people themselves already know a lot-what they want, what they need. If they agree after some time that a technical fact or help is needed that none of them possess, then they might feel 'empowered' to search for that fact on the outside.
Does the 'outsider' actually need to be there during this process? The answer depends on the person, on how quietly encouraging she is, on how patient and undisappointed if the group doesn't 'take off', agree on anything or agrees to a program the opposite of what the funders want.
Can this vision be applied when funders seem concerned solely with the sex organs of people assumed to 'identify' themselves as sex workers? If educators must 'target' prostitutes as those who come to a meeting? Perhaps, if the same kind of mostly undirected sharing of experiences is encouraged. Many times sex workers will then be heard to discuss not sex, clients and condoms-the topics always brought up by funders-but all the other aspects of their lives, which are not peculiar to them as prostitutes. They might talk about a new song, a new dress, a new club-or a new idea for getting together to protect and help each other.
Laura María Agustín
Copyright © Arte Sana 2001. Derechos Reservados. Términos de Uso.